Kevin Phillips, author if one of my favorite books, Arrogant Capital: Washington, Wall Street and the Frustration of American Politics, has a great column in the L.A. Times Opinion section today, on the dilemma faced by the Democrats. He says: “Greed Is Putting Party in Peril” (intrusive registration required, use ‘laexaminer’/’laexaminer’).
If the Democratic Party’s recent midterm election campaign was weak and shallow, the same can be said of its November post-midterm-election debate over whether to move left or right. Bluntly put, the party of Thomas Jefferson, Andrew Jackson, Franklin Roosevelt and Harry Truman has been selling its soul to fill its campaign wallet and is now in big trouble, especially among three key longtime constituencies: blacks, Latinos and lower-income Southern whites.
This, in turn, has become a threat to the balance of power in Washington and to the policymaking process. The “opposition” party is verging on incapacity. Its old faces are beyond Botox or relevant speech therapy. Few new ones are in sight.
Not that forthright ideology is the cure — moving leftward under Nancy Pelosi, the new Democratic leader in the House of Representatives, or rightward under the aegis of the Washington-based Democratic Leadership Council. However, there is some basic philosophy involved, and if the Democrats cannot comprehend this, they face considerable peril.
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The weakening economy and skewed wealth distribution were obvious rallying points, yet Democratic leaders, despite having the freedom that comes from being out of power nationally, abandoned them, save for cliches about protecting Social Security and providing prescription drugs.
While hardly new, this marked an escalation in the national party’s willingness to discard old beliefs and the interests of ordinary citizens in order to woo big-contributor money that has captured the center of U.S. politics — the new “venal center.”
It is a critical and depressing transformation. Fifty years ago, historian Arthur Schlesinger Jr. identified a “vital center” in American politics, crediting Democrats with building a new and constructive moderate coalition under Roosevelt and Truman. But they lost their dominance and vitality some 30 years ago. Then, over the last 10 years, especially under Bill Clinton during the money-culture days of the stock market bubble, the Democratic Party joined in making venality bipartisan.
This is a losing politics, because the dominance of venality automatically favors the Republicans. Innately on the side of money, many, if not most, Republicans are philosophically committed to upholding its principles and some of its excesses. By contrast, the worthy history of the Democratic Party, especially during its periods of dominance, has been to question those principles and to indict related excesses. When abuses mount and Democrats remain mute, they lose both constituency appeal and their historical raison d’etre.
Regaining this balance is not turning left, an implausible description for the great Democrats from Jefferson to Truman. What it has involved is correcting the excesses of plutophile conservatives from Alexander Hamilton through the 20th century and down to the present day. Under current circumstances, it would take years for any such correction to be leftish.
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(A.L.: emphasis mine)
I couldn’t agree more.
Until the Democratic Party can wean itself from the golden teat of large donors (primarily from lawyers, labor, technology, and media), they will be transparently captive to their investors’ interests.
Having given away the social and cultural grounds that tied them to working Americans, they then gave away the economic ones, and wonder why they are left standing at the altar.
Doesn’t surprise me.
[Update: Calpundit disagrees (note that his permalinks are wonky right now, just look for “venality”), and says that “I’m not quite sure what to make of this, but it sure doesn’t seem to provide any concrete suggestions. I mean, the “old Jackson-FDR constituencies”? In the year 2002, just what is that supposed to mean?” Well, from my point of view the ties than bind the Dems to the “political investor” class are pretty clear and well-drawn; those ties put the party firmly on the side of capital, as opposed to labor, and mean that the folks with cash pretty much dominated both sides of the political discussion over the last fifteen years. That needs to be balanced, and no one is doing it right now (with the exception, in a fragmented and relatively unproiductive way, of the Greens).]